The British House of Commons voted by a majority of 426 (473 in favour and 47 against, the largest majority during Thatcher`s term as prime minister) in favour of a motion to approve the deal. The majority of the Conservative Party voted in favour (although there were a few Unionist MPs in the party who were against), as did the Labour Party and the Liberal Alliance-SDP. Of Northern Ireland`s main parties, only the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and the Inter-Community Alliance Party supported the deal. At the other end of the political scale, Republican hardliners rejected the deal because Dublin recognised British sovereignty over Northern Ireland. The Provisional IRA claimed recognition of the deal, suggesting that its armed campaign had forced the British to make concessions to the nationalists. Sinn Fein simply chose to reject the agreement and condemn it at every opportunity. Paramilitary violence continued on both sides, but did not escalate significantly. The other articles express their support for the creation of an Anglo-Irish parliamentary committee composed of the House of Commons and the Dáil (the lower house of the Irish Parliament) and provide for a revision of the agreement after three years. In the early morning of December 6, 1921, the “Articles of the Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland,” better known as the Anglo-Irish Treaty, were signed in London by British and Irish negotiators led by David Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister, and Arthur Griffith, Foreign Secretary of Dã¡il Ãireann. After delving into the intricacies of Northern Ireland`s problems for nearly a year, Irish government and Fianna Fáil leaders had unconsciously convinced themselves that such a reassessment was certainly imminent, as they called for “a complete reassessment” from Britain.
But, as is so often the case in British-Irish relations, what seems central and urgent in Dublin seems peripheral and much less urgent in London. The British political establishment, except in moments of the most acute crisis, tends to reduce Irish issues to a second or third order of significance. One can at least wonder whether British leaders are wise to distance themselves from the problem in this way. A series of meetings were held and, in October, an official delegation was formed, led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, to conduct negotiations with the British government. After two months, an agreement was reached, officially known as the Statutes of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland. Contacts between the Irish and British Governments continued after February 1987 within the framework of the formal structure of the Intergovernmental Conference. Fears that violence in Northern Ireland would spill over into Ireland as a result of closer Anglo-Irish cooperation following the agreement proved unfounded, and the UUP decided to participate in further negotiations on the constitutional future of Northern Ireland in 1990-93. After Republican and Unionist forces declared ceasefires in 1994, the UUP reluctantly joined talks with the British and Irish governments and other political parties in Northern Ireland. Until the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, which created the Northern Ireland Assembly and new cross-border institutions, no mutually agreed agreements were reached. To encourage the two hostile communities in the North to work together, the negotiators of the agreement decided to call for the creation of an economic development fund that would be financed by special grants from Britain, the European Community, Canada, Australia and, they hope, the United States.
Despite the limitations of the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings budget bill, President Reagan proposed a one-time grant of $250 million, and House Speaker O`Neill actively supports a one-time grant of $250 million, with actual funding spanning five years. This money would go to a trust fund to be set up by the British and Irish governments. The last articles dealt with the transition from British to Irish rule, which was to be administered by a “provisional government”. The Irish Free State was to be established on 6 December 1922, exactly one year after the signing of the treaty, and it did so. But in the meantime, much more has happened. By December 1922, Griffith and Collins were both dead, and the 26 counties that became the Irish Free State were rocked by a brutal and devastating civil war. The British had been willing to use force to ensure compliance with the treaty and blocked paths that could have led to a compromise between the pro- and anti-treaty wings of the republican movement, which would fight against each other in the civil war. By the end of negotiations in London in December 1921, the British may have gotten more of what they wanted, but the treaty gave the Irish something to work with and rely on over time. Whether he agreed or not, the document signed in London on 6 December 1921 provided the basis for an independent Irish state that would make that date an important milestone in the struggle for Irish independence and make the treaty itself one of the most important documents in modern Irish history.
The agreement was largely rejected by unionists because it gave the Republic of Ireland a role in the governance of Northern Ireland for the first time and because it had been excluded from negotiations on the agreement. The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) led the campaign against the deal, including mass rallies, strikes, civil disobedience and the mass resignation of all Unionist MPs from the House of Commons. The DUP and the UUP jointly organised 400,000 signatures in a petition against the agreement. Northern Ireland Minister Tom King was attacked by Protestants in Belfast on 20 November.  There was also a mass rally outside Belfast City Hall on November 23, 1985 against the agreement, with Irish historian Jonathan Bardon saying, “Nothing comparable had been seen since 1912.”  Estimates of the number of people vary: the Irish Times claimed that 35,000 people were present;  The News of the World, the Sunday Times and the Sunday Express claimed 100,000;  The professor of politics at the University of Ulster, Arthur Aughey, claimed that more than 200,000 people were there;  and the organizers of the meeting stated that 500,000 people participated.  “The UK Government accepts that the Irish Government provide views and proposals on matters relating to Northern Ireland.” Presumably, no government invites another government to give advice on matters within its own jurisdiction unless it intends to take that advice seriously. The Agreement does not provide for any procedure for the settlement or settlement of disputes. He merely said: “In the interest of promoting peace and stability, the Conference will make a determined effort to resolve any differences.” The agreement was adopted by Dáil Éireann by 88 votes to 75 and by Seanad Éireann by 37 votes to 16.   The Irish nationalist political party Fianna Fáil, Ireland`s main opposition party, also rejected the deal. Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey said the agreement was contrary to Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution as it formally recognised British jurisdiction in Northern Ireland. It was also fought by independent Republican TDs Neil Blaney and Tony Gregory, with Blaney calling the deal a “fake job.” .